Serving Substance Abuse Professionals Since 1993

Last Update: 28.12.07

C O R K O N L I N E

powerpoint presentations
CORK database search
resource materials
bibliographies
clinical tools
user services
newsletters
about cork
home

CORK Bibliography: Drug Trade and Trafficking

104 citations. Janaury 2006 to present

Prepared: January 2008

Adelekan M. "Very effective but draconian and unacceptable": Paradox in the evaluation of a unique drug control effort in a non-western country. International Journal of Drug Policy 16(2): 110-111, 2005. (2 refs.)

This brief response addresses the position taken in the paper by Farrell et al., with regard to the implication of the law enforcement style employed by the Taliban that was able "to produce an estimated 35% reduction in poppy cultivation and 65% reduction in the potential illicit heroin supply from harvests in 2001". In the introduction, the paper states, "Éthis is arguably the most effective drug control enforcement action of modern times". It appears paradoxical therefore that in another breath, the paper in the discussion states "É the inhumane and draconian policies of the Taliban are clearly not something that should be replicated in free democratic societyÉ". The authors also express their opposition to "what was the Taliban regime, and to all forms of autocratic, totalitarian and/or theocratic regimes". Putting the positive conclusion reached in the paper on the case study alongside the above negative statements on the very method that produced the impressive results could only leave the reader confused as to how best the Taliban drug control should be judged or classified. Even though the authors comment that this was outside the main objective of their study, it is my opinion that more thoughts and space should have been devoted in the paper to examining the elements in that control method that could be recommended or adopted for use elsewhere.

Akyeampong E. Diaspora and drug trafficking in West Africa: A case study of Ghana. African Affairs 104(416): 429-447, 2005. (16 refs.)

This article interrogates the emergence of drug trafficking in contemporary Ghana and West Africa within the context of a global political economy, situated within a deeper historical perspective. It examines the earlier trafficking of cannabis along the coast of West Africa in the colonial period, and the later transnational networks that have emerged to promote international drug trafficking (cocaine and heroin). The article probes how the African diaspora and international travel service these emerging drug networks in Ghana, West Africa, Europe and the Americas. It suggests that the concept of an 'ideological diaspora' could shed light on a shared global popular culture, which constitutes a counter culture and rationalizes criminal activities.

Amat N. Queen Cocaine. San Francisco: City Light Books, 2005. (0 refs.)

This novel takes place in Colombia, in the remote Pacific Coast jungle, a region that is ravaged by the drug trade, by civil war, guerilla insurgency, and drug traffickers. This provides the backdrop for the novel of two people. One is a Spanish woman who follows her lover, a journalist to his ancestral Colombian village. He is hiding out from the enemies he has made through his articles, and drinking, druging, and waiting for the worst. [This novel is translated from the Spanish.]

Anderson TL. Dimensions of women's power in the illicit drug economy. Theoretical Criminology 9(4): 371-400, 2005. (98 refs.)

The purpose of this article is to elaborate on the gendered social and economic organization of the illicit drug world by articulating several dimensions of women's power. The main thesis is that women are not only powerful actors in the drug world, but that their work is central to the drug economy. Four core activities (e.g. providing housing and sustenance needs, purchasing drugs, subsidizing male dependency and participating in drug sales) that women routinely perform are both fundamental to drug world organization and earn them important forms of capital that may facilitate future, conventional pursuits. Pursuing this objective may improve our knowledge about the relationship between illegal market organization, gender, power and capital. It may also assist crime control and social welfare policies.

Arnold G. The International Drugs Trade. New York: Routledge, 2005

This book sets out the dimensions and nature of the illicit drug trade world-wide. It begins with an overview of drug use throughout history and the factors which prompted drug use, be in for relaxation, as an aphrodisiac, or for medical purposes. It then examines the use of illicit drugs in the West and the problems which are prompted by drug use. The drug trade as a business/economic venture is also discussed, and the fact that it represents one of the major global 'industries.' The role of government, whether openly or covertly is also described, along with the failure of enforcement efforts to curtail supply or treatment/prevention to diminish demand-side features. Individual chapters are devoted to the primary sources of drugs -- cocaine from South America, heroin from both the Golden Crescent in Asia and the Golden Triangle. The role that is played by Europe, not only as a major consumer, but also in its role in economics of the drug trade and in money laundering. In the process of examining the success and failures of current anti-drug initiatives, alternative approaches are also presented.

Barbour S. Current controversies: Drug legislation. IN: Huggins LE, ed. Drug War Deadlock: The Policy Battle Continues. Stanford CA: Hoover Institution Press, 2005. pp. 121-125. (0 refs.)

This is one of ten chapters in Part IV dealing with specific drug policy approaches, in this instance drug legalization. This chapter examines the connection beween drugs and crime. Given the large demand for drugs and willingness to pay for them, the case is made that endeavoring to control the drug trade is essentially futile, as any apprehended drug dealers will easily be replaced.

Bouchard M; Tremblay P. Risks of arrest across drug markets: A capture-recapture analysis of "hidden" dealer and user populations. Journal of Drug Issues 35(4): 733-754, 2005. (49 refs.)

Capture-recapture methodologies have been used to estimate the size of the hidden population of active offenders on the basis of the observed properties of the truncated distribution of arrested offenders. We use this approach to estimate the odds of arrest of marijuana, cocaine, crack, and heroin dealers and users in one Canadian province (Quebec). Findings indicate that risks of being arrested are much higher for sellers than for consumers and that this gap widens for the more harmful drugs. Findings also show, however, that vulnerability to arrest was significantly higher for marijuana users than for others users and that dealers in the smaller but more harmful drug markets (crack and heroin) manage to experience lower aggregate risks of arrest than cocaine or marijuana dealers.

Bucardo J; Brouwer KC; Magis-Rodriguez C; Ramos R; Fraga M; Perez SG et al. Historical trends in the production and consumption of illicit drugs in Mexico: Implications for the prevention of blood borne infections. (review). Drug and Alcohol Dependence 79(3): 281-293, 2005. (87 refs.)

Mexico has cultivated opium poppy since before the 1900's and has been an important transit route for South American cocaine for decades. However, only recently has drug use, particularly injection drug use, been documented as an important problem. Heroin is the most common drug used by Mexican injection drug users (IDUs). Increased cultivation of opium poppy in some Mexican states, lower prices for black tar heroin and increased security at U.S.-Mexican border crossings may be contributing factors to heroin use, especially in border cities. Risky practices among IDUs, including needle sharing and shooting gallery attendance are common, whereas perceived risk for acquiring blood borne infections is low. Although reported AIDS cases attributed to IDU in Mexico have been low, data from sentinel populations, such as pregnant women in the Mexican-U.S. border city of Tijuana, suggest an increase in HIV prevalence associated with drug use. Given widespread risk behaviors and rising numbers of blood borne infections among IDUs in Mexican-U.S. border cities, there is an urgent need for increased disease surveillance and culturally appropriate interventions to prevent potential epidemics of blood borne infections. We review available literature on the history of opium production in Mexico, recent trends in drug use and its implications, and the Mexican response, with special emphasis on the border cities of Ciudad Juarez and Tijuana.

Caldicott DGE; Pigou PE; Beattie R; Edwards JW. Clandestine drug laboratories in Australia and the potential for harm. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health 29(2): 155-162, 2005. (45 refs.)

The emphasis in the literature regarding illicit drugs has been overwhelmingly on the subject of harm caused by their ingestion. Little has been reported on the potential and real harm associated with the illicit manufacture of drugs. This paper describes the increasing prevalence of clandestine drug laboratories in Australia, overwhelmingly devoted to the manufacture of methamphetamine. The nature of the illicit synthetic process is reviewed together with its inherent dangers for the 'cook', first responders and bystanders including children, and the environment. We have analysed the emerging trends in manufacture and seizure in Australia, and offer suggestions to remedy significant deficiencies in knowledge and policy in the management of clandestine drug laboratories, especially with reference to clinical management issues, data collection, environmental contaminants and remediation, legislation and research. In particular, we conclude that: The problem of clandestine drug laboratories is growing in Australia, reflecting patterns world-wide. There are significant health and environmental implications of this growth. First responders should ensure that specialised expertise is available when decommissioning detected laboratories. Clinicians should familiarise themselves with the types of injuries associated with clandestine drug manufacture. Legislatures without a clandestine drug laboratory registry should establish one. Where it doesn't exist, legislation should be sought to curb the spread of this unwanted phenomenon. Significant opportunities exist for further research into the harm caused to first responders, the community, and the environment by clandestine laboratories.

Canty C; Sutton A. Strategies for community-based drug law enforcement: From prohibition to harm reduction. IN: Stockwell T; Gruenewald PJ; Toumbourou JW; Loxley W, eds. Preventing Harmful Substance Use: The Evidence Base for Policy and Practice. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2005. pp. 225-236. (27 refs.)

This chapter explores challenges for police in local or "grassroots" implementation of laws relating to illicit drugs. Three "ideal" models of drug law enforcement, with marked variation in commitment to harm minimisation, are developed. The first model, "prohibitionism", involves police focusing exclusively on disrupting and suppressing drug production, distribution and use. "Modified supply reduction", the second model, incorporates police attempts to accommodate harm reduction efforts by health, welfare and other agencies. The third model, "market regulation", requires police to adopt harm minimisation as their own strategic and tactical goal. For each model, aims, methods and dilemmas facing police are explored.

Carpenter TG. A blueprint for peace: Ending the war on drugs. IN: Huggins LE, ed. Drug War Deadlock: The Policy Battle Continues. Stanford CA: Hoover Institution Press, 2005. pp. 273-285. (22 refs.)

This is one of two chapters in the concluding section that presents a summary position for either ending the war on drugs or continuing the battle. It provides an overview of the history of drug control policy and suggest changes. The discussion also addresses relationship with other countries in the hemisphere and what is characterized as intimidation to secure compliance with US drug control policy in a fashion that may be detrimental for other countries.

Carstairs C. The stages of the international drug control system. (review). Drug and Alcohol Review 24(1): 57-65, 2005. (64 refs.)

This paper argues that the history of the international drug control system of the League of Nations/United Nations can be divided into three cumulative stages. The first stage, the supply stage, dates back to early part of the 20th century, and aimed to reduce the supply of drugs through careful monitoring and trade regulations. This has remained the dominant control strategy. In the middle of the century, demand control, in the form of treatment and criminalization of the individual user, began to appear. This was the least successful stage. Finally, in the 1980s, the dangers of the drug traffic assumed an important place on the international agenda and measures to reduce drug-related organized crime were enacted. To date, this has been a process of proliferation of regulatory strategies. Recently, new challenges to the international drug control system have emerged, including well-funded non-governmental organizations critical of the war on drugs, and the adoption of harm reduction measures in national policies around the world.

Casale JF; Ehleringer JR; Morello DR; Lott MJ. Isotopic fractionation of carbon and nitrogen during the illicit processing of cocaine and heroin in South America. Journal of Forensic Sciences 50(6): 1315-1321, 2005. (19 refs.)

The forensic application of stable isotope analysis to cocaine and heroin for geolocation of exhibits must take into account the possible enrichment and/or depletion of C-13 and N-15 during the illicit manufacturing process. Continuous-flow elemental analysis-isotope ratio mass spectrometry was utilized to measure changes in the stable isotope ratios of carbon and nitrogen for both cocaine (N = 92) and heroin/morphine (N = 81) exhibits derived from illicit manufacturing processes utilized by South American clandestine chemists. In controlled settings in South America, there was no siginficiant carbon isotope fractionation during the conversion of cocaine base to cocaine HCl using current illict methodologies. In contrast, nitrogen isotope fractionation for this conversion was 1 parts per thousand. There was a kinetic carbon isotope ratio fractionation during the acetylation of Colombian morphine to heroin and as a result heroin exhibits will almost always have more negative delta(13)C values than the original morphine. There was an isotopic fractionation against N-15 during the acetylation of morphine base to heroin base, but this effect was not expressed since all of the heroin base was precipitated during the manufacturing process. However, the clandestine process of converting a single batch of heroin base usually involved two consecutive crops of heroin HCl and the latter crop was isotopically depleted as expected from a Rayleigh distillation process. When heroin was deacetylated to morphine, the morphine produced resulted in delta(13)C values that were indistinguishable from the original morphine. The kinetic carbon isotope fractionation factor for the South American process of morphine acetylation was - 1.8 parts per thousand, allowing calculation of the delta(13)C values of the acetic anhydride from deacetylated heroin delta(13)C values.

Caulkins JP. The benefits of structural modeling of the Australian heroin drought. (editorial). Addiction 100(7): 928-930, 2005. (7 refs.)

Caulkins JP; Reuter P; Iguchi MY; Chiesa J. How Goes the "War on Drugs"? An assessment of U.S. drug problems and policy. Santa Monica CA: Rand Corporation, 2005. (106 refs.)

Illegal drugs are a $60-billion-per-year industry patronized by at least 16 million Americans, 7 percent of the U.S. population over the age of 12. This level of usage clearly worries the rest of the population: From 1985 until 2001, "drugs" was consistently 1 of the top 10 answers when Americans were asked what they thought was the most important problem facing the nation. In response to such concerns, federal and state legislators and executive-branch oocials have enacted and implemented policies that, while diverse in approach, are oriented toward enforcement. These policies include the prohibition of almost any use or possession of cocaine, heroin, marijuana, and a wide variety of other psychoactive substances. Strategies have been implemented that range from eradication of crops like coca in source countries, through interdiction of smugglers, to disruption of street markets and incarceration of dealers within U.S. borders. At the same time, governmental agencies have sought to reduce Americans' demand for drugs through treatment of substance abusers and prevention programs through schools and over the media. However, most expenditures on drug control at federal, state, and local levels combined have been directed to enforcement. Over the past 15 years, these measures have had a dramatic impact on some segments of society. They have not, however, led to substantial decreases in the severity of America's drug- related problems, prompting strident denunciations of current policy. Many critics argue that the increased toughness of that policy has done more harm than good. Some suggest that drugs should simply be legalized. These recommendations evoke an equally strong defenses of current policy by enforcement proponents. Evidence is typically lost in such debates. What evidence makes its way to the surface is often cited selectively. This report attempts to sort through and weigh the evidence to see where it takes us and what kind of story it tells about updated progress and options for the future in the "war on drugs." The focus here is on information that will give readers a better understanding of big-picture, strategic themes. The report is organized into seven chapters. Chapter 1 provides an introduciton. Chapter 2 addresses the quesiton as to how successful has the war on drugs been. Chapter 3 addresses why the drug war has not been a greater success. Chapter 4 considers the collateral bonuses and collateral damage. Chapter 5 considers reasons for the absence of "course correction" in the policy toward drug problems. Chapter 6 considers how drug policy might evolve, and what factors could promote or hinder change. Chapter 7 considers whether drug policy "should" change, and what would be required to accomplish this. The authors suggest that the balance among enforcement, treatment, and prevention has probably not been optimal. Enforcement is problematic when used against well-established drug markets because they are supplied by diffuse networks and arrested sellers are easily replaced. Treatment also has its limitations, however. It cannot solve immediate problems, like an increase in drug sales down the street, the way enforcement can. Its benefits accumulate slowly. However, treatment is cheaper than enforcement and attacks demand directly; it also does not have the ill effects of enforcement, e.g., racial disparities in who bears enforcement's burden. At the same time it is seen as less clear that the government would have achieved dramatically more by shifting funds from enforcement to prevention. As with treatment, the benefits of prevention accumulate slowly, and even model programs appear to be cost-effective in no small part because they are relatively cheap, not because they eliminate more than a modest fraction of use. School-based prevention programs do, however, have beneficial effects on use of other substances (alcohol and tobacco) and on other behaviors. The balance too among enforcement strategies may not have been optimal. RAND researchers have shown that cocaine consumption might have been further reduced if some of the money spent trying to control cocaine in source countries or in transit had been spent on enforcement within the United States. Also, long sentences for sellers in the United States might have been focused more effectively on the most culpable distributors.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; Arant T; Henry C; Clifford W; Horton DK; Rossiter S. Anhydrous ammonia thefts and releses associated with illicit methamphetamine production - 16 states, January 2000 - June 2004. MMWR. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 54(14): 359-361, 2005. (9 refs.)

Anhydrous ammonia, a colorless gas with a pungent, suffocating fumes, is used primarily as an agricultural fertilizer and industrial refrigerant. It is also a key ingredient for illicit methamphetamine (meth) production in makeshift laboratories. Exposure to anhydrous ammonia can be immediately dangerous to life or health. Anhydrous ammonia generally is not available for sale to the public; states require a license for purchase. Because of this, many illicit meth producers (i.e., "cookers") resort to stealing anhydrous ammonia. If released into the environment, anhydrous ammonia can cause acute injuries to emergency responders, the public, and the cookers themselves. In addition, when handled improperly, anhydrous ammonia can be explosive and deadly. As liquid anhydrous ammonia is released into ambient air, it expands substantially, forming large vapor clouds that behave as a dense gas. This dense gas can travel along the ground instead of immediately rising into the air and dispersing, thereby increasing the potential for exposure to humans. Symptoms of anhydrous ammonia exposure include eye, nose, and throat irritation; dyspnea; wheezing; chest pain; pulmonary edema; pink frothy sputum; skin burns; vesiculation; and frostbite. Exposure can be fatal at high concentrations. Farmers and merchants often are unaware of an anhydrous ammonia theft unless a large-scale release occurs . Nearly half of these HSEES events occurred during agricultural season. In addition, 38% occurred during early morning hours, and 19% occurred on Sundays, when commercial establishments usually are closed. Furthermore, the amount of anhydrous ammonia stolen in each event was small compared with the total volume of the tank. Several additives are being developed and used to help curb anhydrous ammonia thefts and releases, such as one that when mixed into the ammonia, would rendering it useless for meth production. This report describes examples of anhydrous ammonia thefts associated with illicit meth production, summarizes ammonia theft events reported to the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry (ATSDR), and suggests injury. The information in this report is based on events reported to Hazardous Substances Emergency Events Surveillance (HSEES) system to collect and analyze data about the public health consequences (i.e., morbidity, mortality from 16 state health departments during January 1, 2000--June 30, 2004. The 85 persons injured (victims) had 110 reported injuries, most frequently respiratory irritation (68 [62%]) and eye irritation (19 [17%]). Of the 1,791 meth events, at least 164 (9%) were known to have been caused by anhydrous ammonia theft with the intention of meth production. These ammonia theft events were reported in 10 of the 16 HSEES states, with Iowa (64 [39%]) and Missouri (57 [35%]) reporting the most events. The most common locations of ammonia theft events were commercial (88 [52%]) and agricultural areas. Of the 164 ammonia theft events, 36 (22%) resulted in a total of 85 injured persons. Persons most frequently injured were members of the general public (38 [45%]) and police officers (27 [32%]).Most (48 [56%]) victims were treated at a hospital but not admitted, and 18 (21%) were treated on the scene. No deaths occurred.

Public Domain

Chanteloup F; Lenton S. WA Trends in Ecstasy and Drug Related Markets 2004: Findings from the Party Drugs Initiative (PDI). NDARC Technical Report No. 220. Sydney: National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, 2005. (15 refs.)

This report deals with ecstasy and the related drug markets in West Australia. Following an executive summary there is a brief description of the characteristics of regular ecstasy users. Following are individual sections dealing with ecstasy, methamphetamine, cocaine, ketamine, gamma-hydroxybutyrate, LSD, with data on demographic characteristics of users, drug use history and current use patterns, as well as price, purity, perceived availability, and the perceived risks and benefits of use. Other drug use is also summarized -- alcohol, marijuana, nicotine, benzodiazepines, inhalants and other opioids. Sections are also devoted to associated risk activities including injecting risk behavior, sexual activity, tattooing and piercing, and driving risk behavior; and also health risks, with reports of overdose, symptoms of dependence, and help-seeking behavior. Criminal encounters are also described.

Chanteloup F; Lenton S; Fetherston J; Barratt MJ. Expected impacts of the Cannabis Infringement Notice scheme in Western Australia on regular users and their involvement in the cannabis market. Drug and Alcohol Review 24(4): 311-319, 2005. (30 refs.)

The effect on the cannabis market is one area of interest in the evaluation of the new 'prohibition with civil penalties' scheme for minor cannabis offences in WA. One goal of the scheme is to reduce the proportion of cannabis consumed that is supplied by large-scale suppliers that may also supply other drugs. As part of the pre- change phase of the evaluation, 100 regular (at least weekly) cannabis users were given a qualitative and quantitative interview covering knowledge and attitudes towards cannabis law, personal cannabis use, market factors, experience with the justice system and impact of legislative change. Some 85% of those who commented identified the changes as having little impact on their cannabis use. Some 89% of the 70 who intended to cultivate cannabis once the CIN scheme was introduced suggested they would grow cannabis within the two non-hydroponic plant-limit eligible for an infringement notice under the new law. Only 15% believed an increase in self-supply would undermine the large scale suppliers of cannabis in the market and allow some cannabis users to distance themselves from its unsavoury aspects. Only 11% said they would enter, or re-enter, the cannabis market as sellers as a result of the scheme introduction. Most respondents who commented believed that the impact of the legislative changes on the cannabis market would be negligible. The extent to which this happens will be addressed in the post-change phase of this research. Part of the challenge in assessing the impact of the CIN scheme on the cannabis market is that it is distinctly heterogeneous.

Chiu EH. The challenge of motive in the criminal law. Buffalo Criminal Law Review 8(2): 653+, 2005

Purchase of illegal drugs by undercover police is common, a procedure known as a "buy and bust" operation. These are widely used by both federal and state law enforcement officers as part of the war on drugs. In addition to being a weapon in the arsenal of law enforcement, the buy and bust operation also tells an interesting story about motive in the criminal law. This article uses the simple street sale to demonstrate how the criminal law suffers from its ambivalent attitude towards the role that motive should play. This article focuses on a unique approach adopted by New York State known as Òthe agency defense.Ó This defense allows the defendant in some sales be treated as nothing more than a purchasing agent for his principal, the ultimate buyer of a drug. Once this motive is established, status as an agent leads to an acquittal of the serious sale charges on two distinct grounds. First, an agent cannot be guilty of any charge different from his principal. Secondly, an agent is merely giving to the principal what is his. Part I of the article joins the evolving discussion of motive in the criminal law generally. It concludes with a sweeping recommendation to reform the overall attitude about motive in the criminal law. Part II then turns to the simple street sale and New York's agency defense and the intriguing lesson offered for consideration of motive in the criminal law. It begins by analyzing the challenge of defining the offenses and punishments for various participants in the simple street sale and how the agency defense was designed to address this challenge. It then traces the use of the defense. It concludes by noting instances of legal inconsistency produced by the agency defense. Part III turns to the reality of the street drug trade. Two positions are espoused. First, the agency defense is nothing more than a poorly disguised ruse to suspend criminal liability for drug addicts who may steer and help other drug addicts in completing drug transactions on the streets. It should be abandoned in New York State. A more honest and effective criminal law would allow for flexible and explicit consideration of more motives including drug addiction.

Ciccarone D. The political economy of heroin: Regional markets, practices and consequences. (editorial). International Journal of Drug Policy 16(5): 289-290, 2005. (18 refs.)

Cunningham JK; Liu LM. Impacts of federal precursor chemical regulations on methamphetamine arrests. Addiction 100(4): 479-488, 2005. (37 refs.)

Aims: The US government regulated precursor chemicals, ephedrine and pseudoephedrine, multiple times to limit methamphetamine production/availability and thus methamphetamine problems. Research has found that the regulations reduced methamphetamine hospital admissions, but authors have argued that other problems were unaffected. This study examines whether the regulations impacted methamphetamine arrests. Design: ARIMA-intervention time-series analysis with control series. Setting California (1982-2001). Measurement Dependent variable series: monthly methamphetamine arrests. Control series: monthly marijuana arrests and cocaine/heroin arrests. Interventions Bulk powder ephedrine and pseudoephedrine: regulated November 1989. Products containing ephedrine as the single active medicinal ingredient: regulated August 1995. Pseudoephedrine products: regulated October 1997. Large-scale producers used ephedrine and pseudoephedrine in these forms. Ephedrine combined with other active medicinal ingredients (e.g. various cold medicines)-used mainly by small-scale producers: regulated October 1996. Findings: The regulation targeting small-scale producers (1996) had no significant impact. In contrast, methamphetamine arrests stopped rising and dropped 31% to 45% each of the three times precursor chemicals used by large-scale producers were regulated. Within 3 years of the bulk powder regulation (1989) and again within 2 years of the ephedrine single ingredient regulation (1995), arrests fully rebounded. During the 4 years following the last regulation (pseudoephedrine products, 1997) arrests only partially rebounded. These effects parallel those reported on hospital admissions. The control series were generally unaffected. Conclusions: Precursor regulations targeting large-scale producers impacted methamphetamine arrests, a criminal justice problem, much as they impacted the public health problem of methamphetamine hospital admissions. Ongoing research is needed to determine whether these problems eventually fully rebound from the last regulation.

Daeid NN; Waddell RJH. The analytical and chemometric procedures used to profile illicit drug seizures. Talanta 67(2): 280-285, 2005. (39 refs.)

Over the last 20 years there has been an increasing interest in the development of robust systems, both analytical and statistical, to enable the linkage of seizures of illicit drug to each other. Much of this work has concentrated on the analysis of synthetic drugs, such as amphetamine and its analogues. In recent years, the analysis of both organic and elemental impurities as well as isotope ratios has advanced the usefulness of the techniques available. The application of specific chemometric methods to the derived analytical data has begun to provide the possibility of robust methods by which the resultant information can be interrogated.

Davis WR; Johnson BD; Randolph D; Liberty HJ; Eterno J. Comparing police drug-allegations with enumerations of drug users/sellers. Policing 28(4): 594-608, 2005. (27 refs.)

Purpose - Comparisons between New York Police Department (NYPD) drug-allegation data and data from users' and sellers' self-reports about crack, powder cocaine and heroin provided useful insights about the allocation of police resources via drug-allegation data. Design/methodology/approach - Central Harlem was divided into 45 primary sampling units (PSUs) with two years of NYPD data organized in three strata, high, mid or low allegations/capita. In nine randomly selected PSUs (three/stratum), interviewers employed chain referral sampling, steered with a nomination technique. Findings - NYPD drug-allegation data concurred more often with self-report data concerning crack use/sales, but underestimated use/sales of powder cocaine and heroin. Mid-level PSUs had proportions of crack users/sellers similar to high-level PSUs. Mid- and low-level PSUs often had high proportions of powder cocaine and heroin users/sellers. Research limitations/implications - The enumeration of crack users/sellers produced results similar to NYPD data because crack use/sales may be more easily detected and willingly reported by citizens, police informants and police officers. Powder cocaine and heroin use/sellers enumerated were less noted in the NYPD drug allegations. Originality/value - Provides insights into a question not addressed in previous research - how much and what kinds of drug activity are indicated by NYPD drug-allegation data.

Davis WR; Johnson BD; Randolph D; Liberty HJ. Gender differences in the distribution of cocaine and heroin in Central Harlem. Drug and Alcohol Dependence 77(2): 115-127, 2005. (51 refs.)

Objective: This article investigates the extent to which users of crack, powder cocaine and heroin in Central Harlem participate in various roles involved in distributing these drugs, examining gender differences among distribution roles.Methods: Several strategies were combined to acquire a sample of 655 hard drug users and sellers who self-reported demographics, drug use and other factors in a face-to-face interview. Chi-square analyses were used to examine factors associated with having drug distribution roles. Results: More than two-fifths (N = 269) of all respondents self-reported participation in at least one current distribution role. The most common roles were acting as a middleman, steering buyers, holding drugs or money, and transporting drugs. Distributors were more likely to have HIV, previous drug treatments, and less education, employment or housing, but had higher incomes than users. A higher proportion of women reported drug distribution roles, but among distributors, men were twice as likely women to be direct sellers and transporters of drugs, and to perform more distribution roles. Conclusions: Gender contrasts support previous research indicating male dominance of drug distribution roles. Previous studies may underestimate women's participation in distribution roles. Drug treatment programs are encouraged to augment existing relapse prevention activities with distribution prevention efforts.

Day C; Degenhardt L; Gilmour S; Hall W. The impact of changes to heroin supply on blood-borne virus notifications and injecting related harms in New South Wales, Australia. BMC Public Health 5(AR 84), 2005. (46 refs.)

Background: In early 2001 Australia experienced a sudden and unexpected disruption to heroin availability, know as the 'heroin shortage'. This 'shortage has been linked to a decrease in needle and syringe output and therefore possibly a reduction in injecting drug use. We aimed to examine changes, if any, in blood-borne viral infections and presentations for injecting related problems related to injecting drug use following the reduction heroin availability in Australia, in the context of widespread harm reduction measures. Methods: Time series analysis of State level databases on HIV, hepatitis B, hepatitis C notifications and hospital and emergency department data. Examination of changes in HIV, hepatitis B, hepatitis C notifications and hospital and emergency department admissions for injection-related problems following the onset of the heroin shortage; non-parametric curve-fitting of number of hepatitis C notifications among those aged 15 - 19 years. Results: There were no changes observed in hospital visits for injection-related problems. There was no change related to the onset heroin shortage in the number of hepatitis C notifications among persons aged 15-19 years, but HCV notifications have subsequently decreased in this group. No change occurred in HIV and hepatitis B notifications. Conclusion: A marked reduction in heroin supply resulted in no increase in injection-related harm at the community level. However, a delayed decrease in HCV notifications among young people may be related. These changes occurred in a setting with widespread, publicly funded harm reduction initiatives.

de Prost N; Lefebvre A; Questel F; Roche N; Pourriat JL; Huchon G et al. Prognosis of cocaine body-packers. Intensive Care Medicine 31(7): 955-958, 2005. (20 refs.)

Objective: To study the prognosis and complications of cocaine body-packing (concealment of cocaine in the body for transportation between countries). Design: We retrospectively reviewed the files of all cocaine body-packers hospitalized during a 4-year period in a medico-judiciary emergency unit. Subjects included in the survey were identified from the hospital databases using ICD-10 codes. Setting: The Medico-Judiciary Emergency Unit of Hotel-Dieu university hospital in Paris is a unique medical and surgical emergency unit receiving all patients in legal custody arrested at the two Paris international airports and suspected of body-packing. Patients: All the cases of cocaine body-packers (n=581) hospitalized between January 1999 and December 2002 were studied. They had been arrested at Paris airports while arriving from drug-producing countries. Results: The mean number of carried packets was 70.0 +/- 20.4 (range 18-150). The mean duration of hospitalization was 5.0 +/- 1.6 days (range 1-18). No complication occurred in 573 body-packers cases. Eight subjects developed a complication requiring admission to an intensive care unit: six acute cocaine intoxications due to packet rupture and two intestinal occlusions. No one died. Surgical treatment was necessary in six cases. Conclusions: Good prognosis observed in these body-packers cases is due to the careful monitoring of asymptomatic patients, allowing early detection and treatment of complications. Surgical removal of the packets when complication occurs is warranted.

Degenhardt L; Agaliotis M; White B; Stafford J. New South Walses Trends in Ecstasy and Related Drug Markets 2004: Findings from the Party Drugs Initiative (PDI). NDARC Technical Report No. 221. Sydney: National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, 2005. (48 refs.)

This report deals with ecstasy and the related drug markets in New South Wales. Following an executive summary there is a brief description of the characteristics of regular ecstasy users. Following are individual sections dealing with ecstasy, methamphetamine, cocaine, ketamine, gamma-hydroxybutyrate, LSD, with data on demographic characteristics of users, drug use history and current use patterns, as well as price, purity, perceived availability, and the perceived risks and benefits of use. Other drug use is also summarized -- alcohol, marijuana, nicotine, benzodiazepines, inhalants and other opioids. Sections are also devoted to associated risk activities including injecting risk behavior, sexual activity, tattooing and piercing, and driving risk behavior; and also health risks, with reports of overdose, symptoms of dependence, and help-seeking behavior. Criminal encounters are also described.

Degenhardt L; Conroy E; Gilmour S; Collins L. The effect of a reduction in heroin supply in Australia upon drug distribution and acquisitive crime. British Journal of Criminology 45(1): 2-24, 2005. (54 refs.)

In early 2001, Australia experienced a sudden, significant reduction in the availability of heroin, following a number of years of unprecedented availability of high-grade heroin. This study examines changes in the scale, method, structure and visibility of heroin and other drug distribution in New South Wales (NSW), and in the incidence of possession and use of heroin and other drugs associated with this reduction in heroin availability. Police incident data on possession/use of illicit drugs and on incidents of acquisitive crime were analysed using time-series analysis. Key informants (n=71) from NSW law enforcement and health agencies and heroin users (n=53) were interviewed regarding changes in the drug market following the reduced availability of heroin. NSW police reports were accessed for information on police investigations into drug crime and related activities. Drug distribution in NSW appeared to change around the time of the heroin shortage. High-level distribution of heroin, cocaine and methamphetamine may have remained somewhat discretely managed by different organized crime groups but greater collaboration occurred between these groups. Among mid-level distributors, there appeared to be a shift in emphasis from heroin to other drug distribution. Low-level dealers may have made a short-term shift from heroin to cocaine distribution. Low-level drug dealing also appeared to shift towards mobile and less overt methods of dealing. The number of street-level dealers reduced and in the longer-term, visibility of the drug markets decreased. There were significant decreases in police incidents of heroin possession/use reported by police, which were more marked among males and younger persons. At the same time, increases were observed in incidents for cocaine possession/use. There was a sustained decrease in theft offences but a temporary increase in robbery offences during the peak period of reduced availability. This appeared to represent a shift in the criminal behaviour of users remaining in the market and was associated with changes in drug-use patterns. Although the motivation behind the offending behaviour remained the same over time, cocaine use was associated with more violent crime. The method and structure of illicit drug distribution changed along with reduced heroin supply and carried implications for the policing of drug markets. Australia does not have a large cocaine market and the findings may have differed in countries where cocaine is in more ready supply.

Degenhardt LJ; Conroy E; Gilmour S; Hall WD. The effect of a reduction in heroin supply on fatal and non-fatal drug overdoses in New South Wales, Australia. Medical Journal of Australia 182(1): 20-23, 2005. (27 refs.)

Objective: To examine the impact of a sudden and dramatic decrease in heroin availability, concomitant with increases in price and decreases in purity, on fatal and non-fatal drug overdoses in New South Wales, Australia. Design: and setting: Time-series analysis was conducted where possible on data on overdoses collected from NSW hospital emergency departments, the NSW Ambulance Service, and all suspected drug-related deaths referred to the NSW Coroner's court. Main outcome measures: The number of suspected drug-related deaths where heroin and other drugs were mentioned; ambulance calls to suspected opioid overdoses; and emergency department admissions for overdoses on heroin and other drugs. Results: Both fatal and non-fatal heroin overdoses decreased significantly after heroin supply reduced; the reductions were greater among younger age groups than older age groups. There were no clear increases in non-fatal overdoses with cocaine, methamphetamines or benzodiazepines recorded at hospital emergency departments after the reduction in heroin supply. Data on drug-related deaths suggested that heroin use was the predominant driver of drug-related deaths in NSW, and that when heroin supply was reduced overdose deaths were more likely to involve a wider combination of drugs. Conclusion: A reduction in heroin supply reduced heroin-related deaths, and did not result in a concomitant increase, to the same degree, in deaths relating to other drugs. Younger people were more affected by the reduction in supply.

Degenhardt L; Conroy E; Day C; Gilmour S; Hall W. The impact of a reduction in drug supply compliance with treatment for drug on demand for and dependence. Drug and Alcohol Dependence 79(2): 129-135, 2005. (36 refs.)

Background: In early 2001, Australia experienced a sudden, dramatic and sustained decrease in heroin availability that was accompanied by sharp increases in price and decreases in street level purity-the so-called "heroin shortage". These unprecedented changes occurred in a context of widespread treatment availability, which made it possible for the first time to examine the impact of a sharp reduction in heroin supply in New South Wales (NSW) on entry to and adherence with treatment for heroin dependence. Given the evidence of drug substitution by some users. the current paper also examines the effects of the shortage on entry to treatment for other forms of drug dependence. Methods: Interrupted time-series analysis of the number of persons entering opioid pharmacotherapy and other treatment modalities in NSW for heroin dependence and for the treatment for other types of drug dependence. Findings: The heroin shortage was associated with a reduction in the number of younger persons entering opioid pharmacotherapy. There was a dramatic decrease in the number of persons entering heroin withdrawal or "assessment only" treatment episodes. There appear to have been small improvements in adherence to and retention in heroin treatment after the reduction in heroin supply. Relatively small increases were observed in numbers being treated for cocaine dependence. Conclusions: In the context of good treatment provision, a reduction in heroin supply appeared to produce modest improvements in intermediate outcomes. Supply and demand reduction measures, when both are implemented successfully, may be complementary.

Degenhardt L; Day C; Conroy E; Gilmour S; Hall W. Age differentials in the impacts of reduced heroin: Effects of a ''heroin shortage'' in NSW, Australia. Drug and Alcohol Dependence 79(3): 397-404, 2005. (47 refs.)

Background: This paper uses a unique event, the Australian heroin shortage, to see whether an abrupt, substantial and sustained change in heroin supply had different effects on harms related to heroin use among younger and older heroin users. Method: Indicator data were examined by age group on the number of persons entering treatment for heroin and amphetamine dependence, arrests for heroin use/possession and number of drug related deaths in NSW, Australia. Data were analysed using times series analysis. Results: There was a 41% reduction in the number of new registrations for opioid pharmacotherapy per month among 25-34 year olds, and a 26% reduction among 15-24 year olds, but no apparent changes among older age groups. Similarly, reductions in the number of non-pharmacological heroin treatment episodes were most pronounced among younger age groups. There was a 49% reduction in the number of heroin possession/use offences among those aged 15-24 years, compared to declines of 31-40% among older age groups. Declines in heroin related deaths were greatest among 15-24 year olds (65% reduction). There was no change in other drug related deaths in any age group. Conclusions: A reduction in heroin supply was followed by greater reductions in heroin related harms among younger than older people, across a number of outcome domains.

Degenhardt L; Day C; Dietze P; Pointer S; Conroy E; Collins L et al. Effects of a sustained heroin shortage in three Australian States. Addiction 100(7): 908-920, 2005. (43 refs.)

Background: In early 2001 in Australia there was a sudden and dramatic decrease in heroin availability that occurred throughout the country that was evidenced by marked increases in heroin price and decreases in its purity. Aim: This study examines the impact of this change in heroin supply on the following indicators of heroin use: fatal and non-fatal drug overdoses; treatment seeking for heroin dependence; injecting drug use; drug-specific offences; and general property offences. The study was conducted using data from three Australian States [New South Wales (NSW), Victoria (VIC) and South Australia (SA)]. Methods: Data were obtained on fatal and non-fatal overdoses from hospital emergency departments (EDs), ambulance services and coronial systems; treatment entries for heroin dependence compiled by State health departments; numbers of needles and syringes distributed to drug users; and data on arrests for heroin-related incidents and property-related crime incidents compiled by State Police Services. Time-series analyses were conducted where possible to examine changes before and after the onset of the heroin shortage. These were supplemented with information drawn from studies involving interviews with injecting drug users. Results: After the reduction in heroin supply, fatal and non-fatal heroin overdoses decreased by between 40% and 85%. Despite some evidence of increased cocaine, methamphetamine and benzodiazepine use and reports of increases in harms related to their use, there were no increases recorded in the number of either non-fatal overdoses or deaths related to these drugs. There was a sustained decline in injecting drug use in NSW and VIC, as indicated by a substantial drop in the number of needles and syringes distributed (to 1999 levels in Victoria). There was a short-lived increase in property crime in NSW followed by a sustained reduction in such offences. SA and VIC did not show any marked change in the categories of property crime examined in the study. Conclusions: Substantial reductions in heroin availability have not occurred often, but in this Australian case a reduction had an aggregate positive impact in that it was associated with: reduced fatal and non-fatal heroin overdoses; reduced the apparent extent of injecting drug use in VIC and NSW; and may have contributed to reduced crime in NSW. All these changes provide substantial benefits to the community and some to heroin users. Documented shifts to other forms of drug use did not appear sufficient to produce increases in deaths, non-fatal overdoses or treatment seeking related to those drugs.

Degenhardt L; Day C; Gilmour S; Hall W. Patterns of illicit drug use in NSW, Australia following a reduction in heroin supply. International Journal of Drug Policy 16(5): 300-307, 2005. (42 refs.)

Objective: To examine whether a reduction in the availability of heroin in New South Wales (NSW) in 2001 was associated with community level changes in heroin and other drug use. Method: Data from the NSW Alcohol and Drug Information Service (ADIS) on the number of persons calling about different drug types were used to examine NSW trends in calls of concern about heroin and other drugs. ADIS is a 24-h telephone information and counselling service in NSW; data from ADIS has previously been shown to be related to trends in drug use. Data from an inner Sydney needle and syringe program on drugs injected by clients were also used to examine time trends among a sentinel group of injecting drug users (IDU). Time series analysis was used to model the series. Results: There was a significant reduction in calls regarding heroin associated with the reduction in heroin supply. Increases in calls about cocaine and methamphetamine were also associated with the heroin shortage. The reduction in calls about heroin appeared to be sustained, whereas the increases in calls about cocaine and methamphetamine were not. Conclusions: Decreases in heroin supply were associated with sustained decreases in the use of heroin at a community level. Substitution of other drugs probably occurred among some users, such substitution did not appear to be sustained, as the number of calls returned to pre-shortage levels. Implications: Drug supply reduction may lead to increases in use of other drug types. The health implications of such changes need to be borne in mind by law enforcement and health services.

Degenhardt L; Hall W; Day C; Dietze P; Collins L; Pointer S. Mapping the consequences of an unanticipated drug supply change of uncertain origins: Response to the commentaries. Addiction 100(7): 930-932, 2005. (19 refs.)

Degenhardt L; Reuter P; Collins L; Hall W. Evaluating explanations of the Australian 'heroin shortage'. (review). Addiction 100(4): 459-469, 2005. (51 refs.)

Aims: In this paper we outline and evaluate competing explanations for a heroin shortage that occurred in Australia during 2001 with an abrupt onset at the beginning of 2001. Methods: We evaluated each of the explanations offered for the shortage against evidence from a variety of sources: government reports, police and drug law enforcement documents and briefings, key informant (KI) interviews, indicator data and research data. Results: No similar shortage occurred at the same time in other markets (e.g. Vancouver, Canada or Hong Kong) whose heroin originated in the same countries as Australia's. The shortage was due most probably to a combination of factors that operated synergistically and sequentially. The heroin market had grown rapidly in the late 1990s, perhaps helped by a decline in drug law enforcement (DLE) in Australia in the early 1990s that facilitated high-level heroin suppliers in Asia to establish large-scale importation heroin networks into Australia. This led to an increase in the availability of heroin, increasingly visible street-based drug markets, increased purity and decreased price of heroin around the country. The Australian heroin market was well established by the late 1990s, but it had a low profit margin with high heroin purity, and a lower price than ever before. The surge in heroin problems led to increased funding of the Australian Federal Police and Customs as part of the National Illicit Drug Strategy in 1998-99, with the result that a number of key individuals and large seizures occurred during 1999-2000, probably increasing the risks of large-scale importation. The combination of low profits and increased success of law enforcement may have reduced the dependability of key suppliers of heroin to Australia at a time when seized heroin was becoming more difficult to replace because of reduced supplies in the Golden Triangle. These factors may have reduced the attractiveness of Australia as a destination for heroin trafficking. Conclusions: The Australian heroin shortage in 2001 was due probably to a combination of factors that included increased effectiveness of law enforcement efforts to disrupt networks bringing large shipments of heroin from traditional source countries, and decreased capacity or willingness of major traffickers to continue large scale shipments to Australia.

Degenhardt L; Stafford J; Kinner S; Johnson J; Fry C; Bruno R et al. Reflections on a Two-year National Pilot study of the Party Drugs Initiative (PDI). NDARC Technical Report No. 236. Sydney: National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, 2005. (0 refs.)

The PDI is a national monitoring system for ecstasy and related drugs that is intended to serve as a strategic early warning system, identifying emerging trends of local and national interest in ecstasy and related drug (ERD) markets. The PDI was conducted across Australia for the first time in 2003; monitoring of these markets has been undertaken since 2000 in NSW, SA and Qld. The PDI is based on the IDRS methodology and consists of three components: 1. interviews with regular ecstasy users (REUs), considered a sentinel group of drug users who could comment on these drug markets; 2. interviews with key experts (KEs), professionals who have regular contact with REUs through their work; and 3. indicator data sources related to ERDs. The PDI monitors the price, purity, availability and patterns of use of ecstasy, methamphetamine, cocaine, ketamine, GHB and other related drugs. It also monitors harms related to these drug types. It is designed to be sensitive to trends, providing data in a timely manner, rather than describing issues in extensive detail. The results of the two-year national pilot PDI indicate that regular ecstasy users tend to be young, relatively well-educated, and likely to be employed or engaged in studies. Small proportions of participants in all years were currently in drug treatment or had previously been incarcerated. This is in strong contrast to the demographic profile of the regular injecting drug users (IDUs) accessed for the IDRS, who are typically older, unemployed, and with both drug treatment and incarceration histories. Details about the harms, patterns of use and the price, purity and availability of ecstasy and related drugs can be obtained from the national and jurisdictional reports in 2003.

Demleitner NV. Smart public policy: Replacing imprisonment with targeted nonprison sentences and collateral sanctions. Stanford Law Review 58(October): 339-360, 2005. (129 legal refs.)

Increasingly federal sentencing differs from sentencing in the states. While both systems have shared rising imprisonment rates throughout the last two decades, the federal rate has grown more sharply and continues to increase. States have developed some strategies to combat the growing costs of prisons, which have been fueled by the imprisonment of nonviolent drug offenders, lengthened sentences for violent offenders, and the return to prison of those who violated parole and supervised release conditions. Increasingly, some states have diverted offenders who pose a low risk to public safety to nonprison sanctions. In contrast the federal courts currently permit and offer only a few nonprison options. In 2003, 83.3% of all defendants sentenced in federal court were sent to prison. Because of the large number of individuals released annually from confinement, states have begun to use reentry assistance to help released offenders readjust into society. This has proven difficult, in part because of the vast panoply of often-mandatory restrictions imposed on ex-offenders. These so-called "collateral sanctions" run the gamut from disenfranchisement to the denial of welfare benefits. Some sanctions result from congressional legislation. These sanctions impact federal and state offenders and frequently pose a substantial hurdle to reintegration. Some sanctions are justified based on public safety grounds; others are merely retributive, even vengeful. In Part I, this Article focuses on intermediate sanctions, highlighting their limited availability in the federal system and proposes a set of options to increase nonprison sanctions. Part II considers the panoply of collateral sanctions and the impact of congressional legislation on the reintegration of state and federal offenders. The Article concludes with a set of prescriptions for the effective use of collateral sanctions in the Federal Sentencing Guidelines regime.

Drug Enforcement Administration. Drug Intelligence Brief: Change face of European drug policy. IN: Huggins LE, ed. Drug War Deadlock: The Policy Battle Continues. Stanford CA: Hoover Institution Press, 2005. pp. 247-257. (0 refs.)

This is one of two chapters in the concluding section that presents a summary position for either ending the war on drugs or continuing the battle. It provides an overview of drug policy in European countries. This includes harm reduction efforts, treatment, alternatives for those in the penal system, and a table outlining the penalties for drug trafficking.

Farrell G; Thorne J. Where have all the flowers gone?: Evaluation of the Taliban crackdown against opium poppy cultivation in Afghanistan. International Journal of Drug Policy 16(2): 81-91, 2005. (31 refs.)

This study presents what we believe to be the first formal evaluation of the Taliban crackdown against opium poppy cultivation in Afghanistan. Afghanistan was the main source of the world's illicit heroin supply for most of the 1990s. From late 2000 and the year that followed, the Taliban enforced a ban on poppy farming via threats, forced eradication, and public punishment of transgressors. The result was a 99% reduction in the area of opium poppy farming in Taliban-controlled areas. The evaluation uses multiple comparison areas: the non-Taliban area of Afghanistan, neighbouring countries, the non-contiguous comparison area of Myanmar (Burma), and, the rest of the world. Alternative possible causes of the reduction such as drought, migration or changes in global opium markets are reviewed and excluded. It is concluded that the reduction in Afghan poppy cultivation was due to the enforcement action by the Taliban. Globally, the net result of the intervention produced an estimated 35% reduction in poppy cultivation and a 65% reduction in the potential illicit heroin supply from harvests in 2001. Though Afghan poppy growing returned to previous levels after the fall of the Taliban government, this may have been the most effective drug control action of modern times.

Fazey C . Where have all the flowers gone? Gone to opium everyone. When will they ever learn, when will they ever learn? International Journal of Drug Policy 16(2): 104-107, 2005. (16 refs.)

The author suggests they have not gone, and they never will. Farrell & Thorne (2005) agree with many authors, commentators and actual surveyors of the poppy cultivation areas that the ban actually happened and was effective insofar as the opium production in the areas controlled by the Taliban was effective. However, Farrell and Throne are seen as na•ve as to why the Taliban stopped production. This author suggests that the UN's power is reliant on member states, It may appear that UNDCP had a role in negotiating with the Taliban, the reality was different. In effect, it could negotiate, but not settle. The authors say, "In 1997 the then head of UNDCP, Pino Arlacchi, brokered a deal with the Taliban. In return for the elimination of opium poppy, the UN would provide $25 million per year for ten years in development assistance to Taliban areas." This reflected a naivety on behalf of Pino Arlacchi, then newly appointed as Executive Director of UNDCP, who believed that he could do what he liked without the formal authority of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND). He thought that he was following the policy that the USA wanted, which was the eradication of opium in Afghanistan. But the USA did not want this at that time. The USA was not even the UNDCP's largest donor, although by virtue of being the only super-power, it was able to wield much power in the UN by a stick-and-carrot diplomacy. The abolition of opium growing in Afghanistan was not a high priority for the USA in the late 1990s. Arlacchi made the grave error of believing the rhetoric of the "war on drugs", with its unrealistic and unattainable goal of a "drug-free" world, and by 2008 "Member States should have made real progress in eliminating or reducing significantly crops of opium, coca and cannabis." This was stated at opening session of the Special Session of the General Assembly on illicit drugs. But at the same Assembly, the Member States were not quite so keen for such a commitment and changed the wording in their Political Declaration to commit themselves to working with UNDCP "to develop strategies with a view to eliminating or reducing significantly the illicit cultivation of the coca bush, the cannabis plant and the opium poppy by the year 2008" The UNDCP clearly had not got the resources to keep up its side of the alleged bargain. The authors themselves give the game away here. "Although some development projects were begun in Afghanistan, they were terminated in 2000 due to lack of financing from the UN, as well as continuing extensive poppy cultivations," they say. The UN did not finance because the UN did not have the money from any major donor. No country was interested. Nevertheless, the authors claim that the Taliban produced "the most effective drug control enforcement of modern times". Afghan heroin was not much of a concern to the USA because its markets were mainly in Europe. Besides, the USA had a vested interest in a stable Afghanistan, because of the projected route of pipelines for natural gas and for oil through the country. Brutalisation of a population is not an answer to the drug problem. Production worldwide is out of control, and, in the opinion of this author, only demand reduction can ease the misery of those who become dependent on drugs

Fetherston J; Lenton S. Community attitudes towards cannabis law and the proposed Cannabis Infringement Notice scheme in Western Australia. Drug and Alcohol Review 24(4): 301-309, 2005. (27 refs.)

Western Australia (WA) became the fourth Australian jurisdiction to adopt a prohibition with civil penalties scheme for minor cannabis offences when its Cannabis Infringement Notice (CIN) scheme became law on 22 March 2004. Previous criminological research has demonstrated the importance of public attitudes towards the law in determining the effectiveness of legislation. This survey represents the first phase of a pre-post study that attempted to gauge public attitudes towards the legal status of cannabis, the proposed legislative reforms surrounding the drug and their likely effects. A random telephone survey of 809 members of the WA population was conducted prior to the implementation of the new laws with a view to exploring contemporary views of the existing legal status of cannabis, attitudes to the proposed legislative model and respondent perceptions of its likely effects. Despite cannabis being viewed negatively by large numbers of the sample, criminal penalties for minor cannabis offences were viewed as inappropriate and ineffective. Once explained, the proposed civil penalty scheme was viewed as 'a good idea' by 79% of the sample, despite significant differences due to personal experience of cannabis use, political affiliation, religiosity and age of offspring. Most believed that the legislative change would not result in changes to levels of cannabis use (70%) or ease of obtaining cannabis (59%). These data suggest that prior to its implementation the new legislation was highly acceptable to the majority of the community. These baseline data will be compared with data to be collected at the post-change phase of the study to allow empirical observations of attitudinal and behavioural changes occurring in the community.

Fischer J; Kinner S. Queensland Trends in Ecstasy and Related Drug Markets 2004: Findings from the Party Drugs Initiative (PDI). NDARC Technical Report No. 223. Sydney: National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, 2005. (8 refs.)

This report deals with ecstasy and the related drug markets in Queensland. Following an executive summary there is a brief description of the characteristics of regular ecstasy users. Following are individual sections dealing with ecstasy, methamphetamine, cocaine, ketamine, gamma-hydroxybutyrate, LSD, with data on demographic characteristics of users, drug use history and current use patterns, as well as price, purity, perceived availability, and the perceived risks and benefits of use. Other drug use is also summarized -- alcohol, marijuana, nicotine, benzodiazepines, inhalants and other opioids. Sections are also devoted to associated risk activities including injecting risk behavior, sexual activity, tattooing and piercing, and driving risk behavior; and also health risks, with reports of overdose, symptoms of dependence, and help-seeking behavior. Criminal encounters are also described.

Freisthler B Lascala EA Gruenewald PJ Treno AJ. An examination of drug activity: Effects of neighborhood social organization on the development of drug distribution systems. Substance Use & Misuse 40(5): 671-686, 2005. (21 refs.)

Objective. The ability to determine the geographic locations of illicit drug markets is central to the development of preventive interventions that address access to drugs and associated problems, such as violence and crime. Method. The current study examined individual self-reports of drug activities and demographic information obtained from two waves of a telephone survey of 1704 individuals aged 15 to 29 conducted in 1999 and 2001 across 95 census tracts in a Northern California city and measures of neighborhood characteristics derived from Census 2000 measures. Results. The results of the study showed that, at the individual level, younger people and male respondents reported most drug activities. At the aggregate level, neighborhood poverty was directly related to higher rates of drug activity. Residential stability was found to moderate reports of drug activity observed by African-Americans and young people. Conclusion. Social processes reflected in neighborhood characteristics of census tracts influence rates of self-reports of individuals' exposures to drug activities.

Freisthler B; Gruenewald PJ; Johnson FW; Treno AJ; Lascala EA. An exploratory study examining the spatial dynamics of illicit drug availability and rates of drug use. Journal of Drug Education 35(1): 15-27, 2005. (16 refs.)

This study examines the spatial relationship between drug availability and rates of drug use in neighborhood areas. Responses from 16,083 individuals, were analyzed at the zip code level (n = 158) and analyses were conducted separately for youth and adults using spatial regression techniques. The dependent variable is the percentage of respondents using drugs in the past year. Neighborhood drug availability (the major independent variable) was measured by the percentage of non-drug users who had been approached to purchase drugs. Data were obtained as part of the Fighting Back community evaluation. For youth (aged 12 to 18), drug sales in adjacent and surrounding areas were positively associated with self-reported drug use in areas where youth were residents. For adults, drug sales within the neighborhood were negatively associated with drug use, while drug sales in immediately adjacent neighborhoods were positively related to self-reports of drug use. Findings suggest that the areas where rates of drug users are greatest are not necessarily the same area where drugs are sold. Designing strategies to reduce the supply of drugs should receive input from city and regional planners and developers, as well as law enforcement and public health professionals.

Freisthler B; Gruenewald PJ. Social ecology and the invention of new regulatory strategies for preventing drug and alcohol problems. IN: Stockwell T; Gruenewald PJ; Toumbourou JW; Loxley W, eds. Preventing Harmful Substance Use: The Evidence Base for Policy and Practice. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2005. pp. 291-306. (31 refs.)

Community-based prevention programs are one effective means of reducing alcohol- and drug-related harm. But there is little information on how policy and regulatory change in communities interact with local conditions to moderate reductions in harm. Understanding the differential effectiveness of policies across different neighborhoods will enable focused preventive interventions to reduce alcohol and drug problems. In order to understand the impact of community-wide global policies on local neighborhood problems, prevention researchers must understand the local correlates of problem outcomes. The current chapter uses social disorganization and routine activities theories to explain how different characteristics of neighborhoods (population and place characteristics) are related to a variety of problem outcomes (assaults, motor vehicle crashes, drug sales, drug possession, and drug overdoses). An ecological model is developed which describes how neighborhood conditions may be related to outcomes across areas of one community. An important facet of this model is that it assumes the movement of populations within and across neighborhood areas and interactions between local and neighboring populations are important components of a full explanation of the geographic distribution of alcohol and drug problems. Results from statistical analyses of community-based data show: (1) population and place characteristics both make important contributions to problem rates; (2) spatial interactions of populations between neighborhood areas affect drag and alcohol problems; and (3) risk and protective factors are heterogeneously related to problem outcomes across community areas. Policies that continue global efforts to reduce poverty, improve education, and eliminate poor housing will generally act to reduce alcohol- and drug-related problems. Furthermore, regulatory efforts to change rates of drag and alcohol problems using other mechanisms (i.e., reductions in outlet densities) would benefit from some local focus. Until the mechanisms that relate these characteristics of regulation to problem outcomes are better understood, blanket regulation of these aspects of drag and alcohol markets will have to be undertaken with considerable care. Consequently, the local effects of preventive interventions will be moderated by the larger social contexts of community settings, contexts that, once recognized, may be used to enhance the effectiveness of these programs.

French T. Free trade and illegal drugs: Will NAFTA transform the United States into the Netherlands? Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law 38(March): 501-540, 2005. (385 refs.)

In recent years, the number of U.S. states that have passed some form of marijuana reform laws has surged. Europe's steady march toward legalization over the past fifty years demonstrates how free trade agreements foster the spread of relaxed drug legislation. Thus, France has been moving gradually toward the legalization of cannabis and the decriminalization of drug use generally, though it has yet to normalize completely illicit substances. Moreover, Swedish officials confiscate and criminalize possession of paraphernalia associated with drug use in addition to the drugs themselves. Though Mexico's anti-drug policy is remarkably similar to that of the United States, the narcotics trade is a vibrant part of Mexico's national economy. In addition, the governor of Chihuahua has "launched a study of marijuana legalization within the state" and teamed up with former New Mexico governor Gary Johnson to push for drug reform. Leftist elements within Mexico have also joined the cause for legalization, claiming that U.S. drug policy represents an encroachment on Latin America's sovereignty. Free trade also helps drug traffickers by limiting the amount of inspection possible at the border. As discussed earlier, free trade not only lowers the costs of drug trafficking, but it seriously undermines domestic efforts to keep drugs from crossing the border. Mexico has indicated it may relax its drug laws, widely known for being ineffective and unenforced. As such, this Note proposes the U.S.'s situation is similar to that of those European nations that had not yet legalized cannabis after the Dutch and Danish removed criminal liability associated with the drug. The United States is part of a free trade agreement with neighbors that either explicitly or effectively do not share its attitude concerning illegal drugs. Accordingly, one can interpret the current movement to medicalize or decriminalize cannabis occurring at the state level of the United States as the nation's first step down the path to outright legalization. Part II of this Note examines the marijuana medicalization and decriminalization movement in the United States and shows the U.S. populace's shifting attitudes toward the drug. Then the Note reviews the European experience by offering a review of the European Union and Member States' drug laws in Part III. Here, this Note discusses the free trade zone in Europe generally and illustrates how drug reform began in two states and eventually grew to cover most of the continent. Part IV of this Note offers a brief overview of NAFTA and then highlights Canadian and Mexican trends relating to drug legalization and importation into the United States while drawing corollaries to European history. Part V highlights the effects of economic liberalization on drug trafficking and discusses how one country's decision to legalize drugs affects other nations. Part VI concludes the Note by suggesting that the United States is heading toward cannabis legalization due, in part, because of the transnational consequences of its free-trade partners' decisions to legalize and decriminalize certain drugs.

Garces L. Colombia: The link between drugs and terror. Journal of Drug Issues 35(1): 83-105, 2005. (52 refs.)

This paper focuses on the role played by drugs in the degradation of the Colombian conflict into terror. It begins with a brief review of the definitions of terror and proposes to view the phenomenon in its historical specificities. As a background to the analysis of the Colombian case, it also includes observations on the adulteration of conflicts in time through criminal collusion. The next section describes the origins of the Colombian conflict and the emergence of its main protagonists prior to the intervention of the drug factor. It then turns to the repercussions of this factor on the dynamics of the conflict.

Gibson A; Day C; Degenhardt L. The impact of illicit drug market changes on health agency operations in Sydney, Australia. Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment 28(1): 35-40, 2005. (21 refs.)

At the end of 2000, in Sydney, Australia, there was a dramatic reduction in heroin availability. This study examines how health agencies treating clients for drug and alcohol related issues were able to respond to the changes that took place in their clients and their treatment needs. Key informant interviews were conducted with 48 staff from a wide range of health services in Sydney to provide the data for a thematic analysis. Changes experienced by health agencies included changed patterns of drug use in their clients, increased aggressive incidents, changed numbers of clients accessing treatment services, and a need for more assistance from outside agencies. A strong evidence base for a range of drug treatment options, support of staff development in aggression management skills, and development of good interagency links between mental health, drug and alcohol, and law enforcement services would make health services better prepared for future changes in the drug use of their clients.

Gibson A; Degenhardt L; Day C; McKetin R. Recent trends in heroin supply to markets in Australia, the United States and Western Europe. International Journal of Drug Policy 16(5): 293-299, 2005. (52 refs.)

Heroin causes its users and the community a disproportionate amount of harm, and evidence suggests that heroin markets have increased in scale over recent decades. Most of the world's heroin is produced in South West (SW) Asia (Afghanistan in particular) and South East (SE) Asia (especially Myanmar), with a much smaller proportion produced in South America. The ban on opium production in Afghanistan in 2000 resulted in a substantial decrease in global opium production for the following year and a sharp increase in the wholesale price of opium in Afghanistan. The current paper examines the price of wholesale and retail heroin in the context of general heroin market conditions in Western Europe, the United States and Australia over the time that this reduction in opium supply occurred. Little evidence was found of a price shift in these three heroin markets as a consequence of the decrease in opium production in Afghanistan. There was no consequent shift in the overall price of heroin in either Europe or the United States. Although Australia did experience dramatic disruption to its heroin supply in 2001, and a large increase in the price of heroin, this change was not directly attributable to the reduction in opium production in Afghanistan. Australian heroin markets are supplied predominantly by SE Asia and the shortage of heroin and consequent price rise was related to regional drug supply factors including local law enforcement activities. In conclusion, the drastic reduction in global opium production witnessed in 2000 did not directly impact on the prices of heroin in these three established heroin markets. This observation highlights the complexity of factors influencing drug prices in destination heroin markets and suggests caution in anticipating clear retail level impacts following changes in drug production.

Gossop M. More panic in Needle Park. (editorial). Addiction 100(7): 922-923, 2005. (4 refs.)

This is a commentary on the article in this issue by Degenhart et al. on the sharp decline in the availability of heroin in Australia, and the impact for drug users.

Gruter P; Van De Mheen D. Dutch cocaine trade: The perspective of Rotterdam cocaine retail dealers. Crime, Law & Social Change 44(1): 19-33, 2005. (22 refs.)

This article based, on 38 in-depth interviews with Rotterdam cocaine retail dealers, aims to present a clearer picture of how cocaine supply lines in the Netherlands are organized in order to fine-tune policy with respect to crime, public order and safety on the different trade levels. On the retail level the market for cocaine is strictly separated in a market for crack cocaine versus a market for powder cocaine. The crack dealers are often hard drug users themselves living in relatively poor circumstances. Although dealing cocaine is their main activity, they tend to be involved in other activities related to the drug scene, e.g. smuggling cocaine via Amsterdam airport. The cocaine distribution line for supply on the local market is seldom more than two steps. Because the supply for the Rotterdam cocaine retailers comes mainly from small-scale imports, successful police operations against large-scale imports of cocaine will have little influence on the local cocaine supply in the Netherlands.

Guaqueta A. Change and continuity in US-colombian relations and the war against drugs. Journal of Drug Issues 35(1): 27-56, 2005. (48 refs.)

This article does not address the efficacy of U.S. and Colombian drug policies, though there is enough evidence to suggest that policies have failed in reducing drug trafficking and illegal crops. Instead, it takes an historical approach in explaining and understanding how the war on drugs has shaped U.S.-Colombian relations and how drug policy has become intertwined with the Colombian conflict. It describes the formulation and implementation of U.S.-Colombian anti-drug programs highlighting the incremental changes in U.S. involvement. It desceibes the 30-year-old process of institutionalization of drug-control cooperation, based on the idea that drugs and drug trafficking constitute grave security threats, became a conduit to alter the terms of the U.S.-Colombian relationship. First, the comprehensive character of U.S. drug policy led to the United States' enmeshment in Colombian affairs as diverse as trade policy, institutional design in the justice sector, criminal policy, drug policy, defense sector reform, conflict management, and demobilization. Second, the progressive militarization of drug policy blurred the line between counternarcotics and counterinsurgency and paved the way for U.S. military assistance to fight guerrillas and paramilitary. In other words, the war against drugs eroded the norm of prudent distance that, in spite of power asymmetry, had characterized the relationship for most of the 20th century. Today the relationship resembles more the classic hegemon-client pattern so common in the Western Hemisphere. Furthermore, even though Colombia and the United States overcame their bitter diplomatic struggles of the mid 1990s, such a hegemon-client pattern may alter the meaning of friendship between the two countries. The friendship that Colombia and the United States constructed after Panama's secession involved a particular way of perceiving each other's identity, expectations about each other's role in the relationship, and a set of accepted practices. Friendship assuaged the imbalance of power by placing Colombia as a partner with whom the United States shared similar political values. Colombia was a respectable neighbor that deserved a treatment different to the one given to typical "banana republics." Today, Colombia may be falling into that category. Perhaps the most relevant question regarding drug policy is whether prohibition, as it is, stands to survive or not in Colombia and in the rest of the world given the prioritization of the war against terrorism and the role that drug money plays in fueling terrorism and internal conflict. On the one hand, it seems that both wars have fused easily. The militarized version of counternarcotics that emerged in the 1990s appears to be, at least conceptually, compatible with a militarized securitization of international criminal and terrorist networks. On the other hand, if neutralizing terrorist groups has become the main legitimate international security goal, there is an opportunity to look at drugs and drug policy differently. Since the priority is to get rid of terrorism and internal conflicts, and given that drugs constitute one of the main financial resources for terrorist groups, removing that financial source may also become a priority.

Hamilton J. Receiving marijuana and cocaine as gifts and through sharing. Substance Use & Misuse 40(3): 361-368, 2005. (7 refs.)

This paper presents estimates of the probability that individuals who use marijuana and cocaine receive some of their drug as a gift or through sharing. The analysis utilizes data from the National Household Survey of Drug Abuse in the United States of America. This research expands upon the observation of field researchers that sharing and gift giving are common distribution mechanisms in drug markets. The likelihood an individual marijuana or cocaine user receives drug gifts or receives drugs through sharing by others depends on age, race, gender, income and the amount they consume. These findings should assist policy makers designing drug abstinence programs and drug rehabilitation administrators trying to prevent relapse.

Hao W. Supply control does work: The case from Australia. (editorial). Addiction 100(7): 926-927, 2005. (9 refs.)

Haroz R; Greenberg MI. Emerging drugs of abuse. Medical Clinics of North America 89(6): 1259+, 2005. (63 refs.)

The term "drugs of abuse" usually brings to mind traditional street drugs, such as cocaine, heroin, marijuana, and methamphetamine. The drug scene, however, is constantly evolving. As various law enforcement agencies pursue and dismantle distribution and production organizations of the usual drugs of abuse, dealers and users are turning to less known, more accessible, and often currently licit substances. The widespread growth of the Internet with its vast distribution of information has increased the accessibility of a host of substances and facilitated synthesis and production of various substances by individuals. This article discusses several new and emerging abused substances, including new synthetic variations, plants, and pharmaceuticals diverted for abuse.

Higgins K; Kilpatrick R. The impact of paramilitary violence against a heroin-user community in Northern Ireland: A qualitative analysis. International Journal of Drug Policy 16(5): 334-342, 2005. (50 refs.)

Over the past decade, Northern Ireland has witnessed the cessation of conflict and the emergence of the ongoing peace process. It is now dealing with new patterns of crime and with social problems either ignored or suppressed during the years of the so-called 'Troubles'. A key example is heroin and injecting drug use. Systematic beating, exiling and torture by paramilitaries remain pervasive in many communities. Drawing on data from a qualitative study examining the emergence of the heroin scene in Ballymena, this paper presents findings that illustrate the impact of paramilitary violence on a heroin-using community. The paper describes, both from the perspective of the heroin users and the professionals seeking to help them, the violence and intimidation perpetrated by the paramilitants. The impact this rough justice has on their day to day lives is explored, as well as the difficulties it presents in influencing their decisions to utilise services such as harm reduction initiatives. The paper provides context by summarising available evidence on the extent of heroin use in Northern Ireland and presenting a brief account of current Northern Ireland drug policy. The historical relationship between paramilitary groups and communities is also briefly outlined. By way of conclusion, the paper discusses the relationship between wider societal transformation in Northern Ireland and drug-use patterns and outlines how heroin users might be assisted in dealing with the compounded nature of the challenges facing them as a result of the paramilitary threat.

International Narcotics Office on Drugs and Crime. The Opium Economy in Afghanistan: An International Problem. Vienna Austria: , 2005

Afghanistan currently produces nearly 90% of all poppy used to produce heroin world wide. This report from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime is organized into three sections. Section I considers the dimensions of the problem in terms of production and trafficking, the relation to trade and income generated by poppy production, and drug use problems within Afghanistan. Section 2 considers the origins of the problem of the opium economy, its historical roots, the relationship to poverty and agriculture within the country, and its relationship to financial markets within Afghanistan. the third section considers the impact of poppy production on the region: the nature of drug trafficking, the growing problems of regional drug use, the relationship to HIV/AIDS. The conclusion considers steps needed to address the problem: including alternative crops for poppy farmers, jobs, education, financial structures to replace poppy as a basis for credit, and also law enforcement initiatives.

Jaffe JH. Learning from uncommon events: Comment on Degenhardt et al. 2005. Addiction 100(7): 921-922, 2005. (7 refs.)

Jelsma M . Learning lessons from the Taliban opium ban. International Journal of Drug Policy 16(2): 98-103, 2005. (30 refs.)

A series of concluding comments can be made with regards to the desirability, sustainability, likely impacts and possible side effects of current attempts to reproduce the 'success' of the Taliban opium ban. Humanitarian consequences and sustainability: An FAO/WFP assessment made shortly after the impact of the Taliban ban already warned that unless immediate and commensurate international support would be provided people would be forced to revert to poppy cultivation: "Clearly, as these various groups have suffered serious economic consequences as a result of the abandonment of poppy cultivation, the country's already tenuous economy has experienced a significant setback. The pertinent question is whether and for how long this ban can be sustained". It lasted one year. Opium cultivation in Afghanistan by 2004 reached an unprecedented 131,000 ha -- due to low opium yield per hectare resulting in an output of 4200 tonnes. Still today, many families are entrapped in the vicious cycle of debt accumulation caused by the ban and reinforced by eradication operations more recently. Unintended consequences: In the case of a sudden supply interruption, the burden of finding short-term solutions to their craving will fall upon opium and heroin user groups, first in the region and later on further down the supply chain. Given the current state of health support systems and treatment programmes across the region, those users unable to simply quit their habit or addiction will be forced to use strongly adulterated heroin or opt for 'licit' pharmaceutical replacements. In health terms, this is not likely to result in an improvement. The potential consequences of such shifts (increased injection and related HIV/AIDS risks, Proxyvon and OxyContin-type epidemics, etc.) should be analysed carefully in order to prepare adequate health assistance programmes. The prevailing assumption that reducing supply automatically reduces problems related to drug consumption is false and will have to be challenged. Dynamics between the licit-illicit opiate markets: Proxyvon and OxyContin should be looked at to re-think the merits of simplistic supply-side interventions and deadline thinking around the 'elimination' of the traditional opium/heroin market. At the same time, the discussion about the well-intended arguments of the 1960s lying behind the '80:20 rule' and the privileged position of a limited number of 'traditional' opium cultivating countries in the licit opiates market should be re-opened in view of subsequent developments. Possibilities for countries like Afghanistan and Burma to acquire a place in the expanding market of licit opiates should be discussed openly in the context of considered attempts to reduce their role in the illicit market.

Karkos PD; Cain AJ; White PS. An unusual foreign body in the oesophagus. The body packer syndrome. European Archives of Oto-Rhino-Laryngology 262(2): 154-156, 2005. (11 refs.)

We report a case of drug smuggling by internal concealment of heroin in the oesophagus. We review the literature and discuss presentation and management highlighting the need to maintain an awareness of "body packer syndrome" in the differential diagnosis of ingested foreign bodies.

Kerr T; Small W; Wood E. The public health and social impacts of drug market enforcement: A review of the evidence. (review). International Journal of Drug Policy 16(4): 210-220, 2005. (150 refs.)

The primary response to the harms associated with illicit injection drug use in most settings has involved intensifying law enforcement in an effort to limit the supply and use of drugs. Policing approaches have been increasingly applied within illicit drug markets since the 1980s despite limited scientific confirmation of their efficacy. On the contrary, a growing body of research indicates that these approaches have substantial potential to produce harmful health and social impacts, including disrupting the provision of health care to injection drug user, increasing risk behaviour associated with infectious disease transmission and overdose, and exposing previously unaffected communities to the harms associated illicit with drug use. There are, however, alternatives to traditional targeted enforcement approaches that may have substantially less potential for negative health and social consequences and greater potential for net community benefit. Some of these approaches involve modifying policing practices, fostering partnerships between policing and public health agencies, and developing systems to monitor policing practices. Other alternatives involve the provision of harm reduction services, such as safer injecting facilities, that help to minimize drug-related harms, and addiction treatment services which ultimately help to reduce the demand for illicit drugs.

Koehler SA; Ladham S; Rozin L; Shakir A; Omalu B; Dominick J et al. The risk of body packing: A case of a fatal cocaine overdose. Forensic Science International 151(1): 81-84, 2005. (15 refs.)

The process of swallowing or inserting illegal packets of drugs for the purpose of evading law enforcement officers carries risks other than criminal charges. It can be fatal. Individuals engaged in such actives are called "Body Packers" or "Mules". The most frequent cause of the death among body packers is acute drug intoxication due to rupture of the package(s) within the gastrointestinal tract. We present the first documented case of a body packer that died from cocaine intoxication following the rupture of packets of cocaine in Western Pennsylvania.

Kuo I; Strathdee SA . After the flowers are goneÉwhat happens next? International Journal of Drug Policy 16(2): 112-114, 2005. (20 refs.)

This is a response to the article by Farrell and Thorne in this issue on the Taliban and opium poppy cultivation in Afghanistan. We agree with the authors that while the Taliban's opium ban appears to have been primarily responsible for the dramatic drop in heroin production, the oppressive policies the Taliban used to enforce its opium ban cannot be endorsed. In fact, few regimes have inflicted such abhorrent drug control measures. One of us witnessed first-hand the distorted limbs of young Afghan boys who had their hands broken and tied in grotesque positions as punishment for their drug use. In an evaluation of the effect of law enforcement on the heroin market in Australia, Weatherburn and Lind found that heroin interdiction seemed to have no significant effect on heroin price or perceived availability, rates of crime, or entry into methadone maintenance treatment. Other studies conducted in Australia where a well-documented heroin drought occurred in early 2001 revealed that while heroin prices did increase significantly, a large proportion of heroin injectors did not stop injecting drugs but merely switched to the injection of cocaine and methamphetamine, which were more readily available. On the other hand, a few positive aspects of the heroin drought in Australia were observed. Day and Topp found that the number of needles exchanged during the period of the heroin drought dropped significantly, suggesting that some injection drug users gave up injecting altogether. A decrease in heroin overdoses was also detected within that time period. Another serious consequence of changes in the drug supply is the transition of non-injection drug users to injection drug use. A classic example of this situation occurred in Southeast Asia and Hong Kong in the 1960s and 1970s. Many opium smokers began injecting heroin because it was perceived as being more cost-effective. A similar situation occurred in Madras, India whereby transitions from heroin smoking ("chasing the dragon") to injection of pharmaceutical drugs (e.g., buprenorphine) was facilitated in part by the scarcity of heroin. In light of these observations, the Taliban's vigorous suppression of opium production in Afghanistan may not have led to dramatic reductions in drug use. Although studies are lacking to document the extent of injection and non-injection heroin use in Afghanistan, there are reportedly several hundred heroin users in Kabul (personal communication, Dr. Naqibullah Safi, 2004). An indirect consequence of a supply reduction approach is that most governments readily adopt such strategies at the expense of interventions aimed at demand reduction. Though several scholars have argued that a supply control approach is costly and has limited effectiveness, it remains the main focus of global drug policies. One may contend that supply reduction has its place in the war on drugs; however, we believe that a failure to support harm reduction programmes can lead to disastrous health consequences for drug users and the communities in which they live.

Labrousse A. The Farc and the Taliban's connection to drugs. Journal of Drug Issues 35(1): 169-184, 2005. (20 refs.)

The author explores the drug links maintained by a Marxist guerrilla and a fundamentalist Islamic group (chosing these because they are greatly dissimilar) and the resulting consequences. The conclusion is that beyond the manifest differences deriving from geographical, political, and ideological contexts, a number of similarities exist between the Taliban and the FARC's relationship to drug production and trafficking. While both movements have denied any direct involvement with trafficking, each undoubtedly benefited substantially from the processing and trading of illicit products. In fact, the gradually deepening involvement at increasingly advanced stages appears inevitable, once it has been accepted that profits are being obtained through illicit cultivation, the first stage in the chain of drug production. Indeed, it would be both illogical and unfair for armed movements to halt their involvement at this stage. Illogical because without buyers and without chemical processing, the peasants' production would offer no economic incentive; unfair because only the peasants, rather than the traders and the drug traffickers who make the most profits, would pay a tax to the armed groups. Perhaps the leaders of the FARC and the Taliban have followed this logic in the belief that those struggling for a transformation of society should be the ones to administer this industry rather than others who are mere profiteers. To answer the question that prompted this discussion, one can estimate that the FARC and the Taliban serve as examples illustrating the inevitable relationship that develops between "ideological" armed movements lacking any real financial assets and the drug trade. Validating this assertion would be difficult because of the very limited number of countries that combine armed struggle with the existence of illicit cultivation on any important scale.(n5) In at least two cases, however, the links between armed groups and drugs have been similar to the one found in the case of the FARC: the communist party in Myanmar (PCB) and heroin until 1989 (Litner, 1994) and the Shinning Path in Peru until 1993 (Labrousse, 1996). Currently in Myanmar, the groups linked to drugs are led by mere warlords and have no ideological motivation, even though they sometimes invoke aspirations to a national identity, as in the case of Khun Sa (Labrousse, 2004). The only exception is the Kachin organization (KIO), which attempts to preserve the autonomy of a part of its state, even though it has entered into some agreements with the Burmese government. However, during the last 10 years, it has drastically limited opium production in the areas under its control.(n6) In many other cases (African countries, the Philippines, Nepal) where cannabis is the only drug produced, guerrillas make agreements with the peasants, and possibly with the buyers of marijuana, but not with true criminal organizations. The assertion that a possible generalization can be made regarding the inevitability of a relationship between a politico-military organization and the chain of drug production is not, at present, validated by many examples. However, it can be applied to groups as different as the Islamic Taliban on the one hand, and to Marxist organizations such as the FARC on the other.

Levine SL. Poison in our backyards: What Minnesota legislators are doing to warn property purchasers of the dangers of former clandestine methamphetamine labs. William Mitchell Law Review 31(4): 1601-1647, 2005. (247 refs.)

Despite the proven dangers of residual toxins from clandestine drug labs, there are currently no laws in Minnesota that specifically protect property purchasers by mandating disclosure of a lab's existence prior to property sale or by mandating that when a clandestine lab is discovered, a notice must be filed in land records to warn future purchasers. Methamphetamine is a problem in Minnesota that is growing at an alarming rate. Minnesota lawmakers and law enforcement officials must address the problem on many fronts, including monitoring and limiting sale of precursor chemicals and over-the-counter drugs containing pseudoephedrine, responding to the many crimes involving meth abuse, and rescuing children from the scenes of meth labs. Minnesota lawmakers can ensure that property purchasers are protected by requiring sellers to provide property buyers with copies of recorded affidavits regarding meth-lab contamination, by providing seller disclosure requirements, and by providing easy web access to a state-wide database that lists contaminated properties under order for remediation. By providing these protections to property buyers, lawmakers will protect innocent purchasers from the adverse health effects and expenses of unknown toxic meth labs. The article begins with an overview of the problems of meth abuse and manufacture in Minnesota, as well as the toxins that are left behind after physical evidence of meth labs has been removed. A discussion of current statutory seller disclosure provisions in Minnesota and in other states then follows. The article next analyzes proposed Minnesota legislation that has attempted to address the problem. A survey follows of six statutory models that provide guidance for drafting legislation to encompass disclosure, buyers' remedies, filing forms in county land records, and requiring state-wide standards for proper cleanup. Finally, a comprehensive workable solution is proposed that includes a requirement that sellers provide property buyers with copies of recorded affidavits regarding meth-lab contamination prior to signing an agreement to sell, specific seller disclosure requirements and buyers' remedies against sellers who fail to disclose, and a means to provide notice to buyers of the existence of a website that contains information on contaminated properties.

Macdonald D. Blooming flowers and false prophets: The dynamics of opium cultivation and production in Afghanistan under the Taliban. International Journal of Drug Policy 16(2): 93-97, 2005. (20 refs.)

In Afghanistan reliable research data have been replaced by what amounts to little more than anecdotes. According to UNODC, in 2002 there were 74,000 ha planted with poppy (UNODC, 2002) while for the same year the US claimed there were only 30,750 ha (US Department of State, 2003), less than 50% of the UNODC figure. This also meant, according to US figures, cultivation had doubled by 2003 as their estimate for that year was 61,000 ha. At best, statistics on opium cultivation and production in Afghanistan serve as crude indicators of the ground realities. One continuing problem is the tendency for politicians to seek 'quick fix' solutions to complex social problems, for journalists to seek fast and easy soundbites to sell stories, and for commentators to focus on the "success" of the Taliban ban in eradicating poppy cultivation in 2001 while ignoring the complex historical, political and socio-economic motivations and dynamics that led up to it in the first place. Success of Taliban: Apart from being based on a suspect definition of what constitutes acceptable legal standards and their legitimate enforcement, the contention that the Taliban ban was "the most effective drug control enforcement action of modern times" somewhat misses the point. It should not be the role of law enforcement to focus on the eradication of poppy fields, its main role should be to focus on trafficking and drug processing. But the scale of the problem in Afghanistan is so great that neither the general police nor the Counter Narcotics Police (CNPA) is able to carry out eradication, so currently the work is to be carried out by a new paramilitary Central Poppy Eradication Force. The history of opium cultivation and illicit drug production from 1994 to 2001 saw a radical shift in Taliban policy from initial tolerance, if not encouragement, of farmers to cultivate poppy, resulting in a steady overall increase in cultivation and production levels up to 2000, as well as direct profit to the Taliban from the drug trade. The Taliban always had an ambivalent attitude towards drugs, probably born out of their need for hard cash. The ban and its temporary nature, then, can reasonably be interpreted as a deliberate strategy on the part of influential members of the Taliban to profit from existing stockpiles and/or to offload stockpiles that had been building up over previous years. Little more than a year after the total ban, announced that the ban had been lifted by the Taliban. This points to why the total ban of 2000 was initiated by the Taliban in the knowledge that it could be no more than a temporary unsustainable measure and why its enforcement is of little significance for any future drug control strategy in Afghanistan, except to serve as a negative example, or as Farrell and Thorne themselves say, "a theoretical limiting case" (Farrell & Thorne, 2004, p. 11). The main consequence of the ban, apart from producing large profits for the Taliban, was to increase the debt burden of many Afghan farmers who had been permitted by the Taliban to grow opium unimpeded over the previous years. If the Taliban had continued with the ban they would have run the risk of a revolt from the many farmers who were left more debt-ridden because of the ban.

MacKenzie K; Hunt G; Joe-Laidler K. Youth gangs and drugs: The case of marijuana. Journal of Ethnicity in Substance Abuse 4(3/4): 99-134, 2005

While the association between drug sales and violence has been a central focus of gang research since the 1980s, the issue of drug use within gangs has been given much less attention. This is especially true in the case of marijuana. This lack of interest is surprising given the extent to which gang members use marijuana. Other than alcohol, marijuana is the most widely used substance in gang life. In examining the culture and role of marijuana in the lives of gang members, we highlight the integration and normalization of recreational drug use within their day-to-day activities and cultural practices. In doing so, we emphasize the similarity of the role of marijuana in gangs to its role in other youth groups. Data for this paper are drawn from the results of an on-going qualitative study of street gangs in the San Francisco Bay Area, in which 383 male gang members from three different ethnic groupings were interviewed.

Mann RE. Availability as a law of addiction. (editorial). Addiction 100(7): 924-925, 2005. (14 refs.)

Massari M. Ecstasy in the city: Synthetic drug markets in Europe. Crime, Law & Social Change 44(1): 1-18, 2005. (30 refs.)

How do "new" drug markets develop and operate? Which are the characteristics of synthetic drug suppliers? How are they organized, owned and managed? This article summarizes the outcomes of a cross-national study which investigated three urban synthetic drug markets at a different stage of development: Amsterdam, Barcelona and Turin. The study - the first of this type in Europe - outlines a composite picture which clearly indicates the presence of rather flexible and dynamic actors and a quasi "free" drug economy. Hence, the role played by more structured, mafia-type organizations, even in Italy, needs to be reconceived. The wide use of primary sources, altogether the adoption of qualitative interpretative tools, contributed to shed some light on a phenomenon which is still poorly investigated both at national and international levels.

Matthews A; Bruno R. Tasmanian Trends in Ecstasy and Related Drug Markets 2004: Findings from the Party Drugs Initiative (PDI). NDARC Technical Report No. 225. Sydney: National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, 2005. (22 refs.)

This report deals with ecstasy and the related drug markets in Tasmania. Following an executive summary there is a brief description of the characteristics of regular ecstasy users. Following are individual sections dealing with ecstasy, methamphetamine, cocaine, ketamine, gamma-hydroxybutyrate, LSD, with data on demographic characteristics of users, drug use history and current use patterns, as well as price, purity, perceived availability, and the perceived risks and benefits of use. Other drug use is also summarized -- alcohol, marijuana, nicotine, benzodiazepines, inhalants and other opioids. Sections are also devoted to associated risk activities including injecting risk behavior, sexual activity, tattooing and piercing, and driving risk behavior; and also health risks, with reports of overdose, symptoms of dependence, and help-seeking behavior. Criminal encounters are also described.

McCabe SE; Boyd CJ. Sources of prescription drugs for illicit use. Addictive Behaviors 30(7): 1342-1350, 2005. (15 refs.)

Objectives: This exploratory study investigated the sources of four classes of abusable prescription medications (sleeping, sedative/anxiety, stimulant, and pain medications) that were used illicitly by undergraduate students in the past year. The relationship between these sources and other substance use was examined. Methods: In the spring of 2003, a random sample of 9,161 undergraduate students attending a large public Midwestern research university is selected to self-administer a Web-based survey. Results: The respondents identified 18 sources of prescription drugs that were classified into three broad categories: peer, family, and other sources. The majority of respondents who were illicit users obtained their prescription drugs from peer sources. Undergraduate students who obtained prescription medication from peer sources reported significantly higher rates of alcohol and other drug use than students who did not use prescription drugs illicitly or students who obtained prescription medication from family sources. C Conclusions: The findings of the present study offer strong evidence that undergraduate students obtain abusable prescription drugs from their peers. Greater prevention efforts are needed to reduce the illicit use and diversion of prescription medication.

McDermott SD; Power JD. Drug smuggling using clothing impregnated with cocaine. Journal of Forensic Sciences 50(6): 1423-1425, 2005. (6 refs.)

A case study is presented where a woman travelling from South America to the Republic of Ireland was detained at Dublin Airport and articles of clothing she had in her luggage were found to be impregnated with cocaine. The study shows that the amount of powder recovered from the garments was approximately 14% of the total weight of the garments. The cocaine was in the form of cocaine hydrochloride and the purity was approximately 80%. An examination of the garments under filtered light highlighted the areas exposed to cocaine and indicated that the method of impregnation was by pouring liquid containing cocaine onto the clothing.

Newman J; Moon C. Northern Territory Trends in Ecstasy and Related Drug Markets 2004: Findings from the Party Drug Initiative (PDI). NDARC Technical Report No. 222. Sydney: National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, 2005. (32 refs.)

This report deals with ecstasy and the related drug markets in the Northern Territory. Following an executive summary there is a brief description of the characteristics of regular ecstasy users. Following are individual sections dealing with ecstasy, methamphetamine, cocaine, ketamine, gamma-hydroxybutyrate, LSD, with data on demographic characteristics of users, drug use history and current use patterns, as well as price, purity, perceived availability, and the perceived risks and benefits of use. Other drug use is also summarized -- alcohol, marijuana, nicotine, benzodiazepines, inhalants and other opioids. Sections are also devoted to associated risk activities including injecting risk behavior, sexual activity, tattooing and piercing, and driving risk behavior; and also health risks, with reports of overdose, symptoms of dependence, and help-seeking behavior. Criminal encounters are also described.

Ortega-Carnicer J; Gomez-Grande L; Ambros A. Electrocardiographic changes indicating surgery on cocaine body-packers. (letter). Resuscitation 65(3): 373-374, 2005. (15 refs.)

Poshyachinda V; Na Ayudhya A; Aramrattana A; Kanato M; Assanangkornchai S; Jitpiromsri S. Illicit substance supply and abuse in 2000-2004: An approach to assess the outcome of the War on Drug operation. Drug and Alcohol Review 24(5): 461-466, 2005. (21 refs.)

This is published in the journal's Asia Pacific column. For centuries Thailand as been burdened with the supply of and demand for many types of illicit substances. The common indigenous natural products and ganja (Cannabis sativa) and opium. the first heroin epidemic emerged abruptly following the resumption of legal control of the opium franchise in1960. "Yaba"the local name for amphetamine tablets emerged around the same time. Volatile substance use first appeared in the late 1970s, and in the late 1990s, anew set of substances emerged -- ecstasy, ketamine, crystal methamphetamine, cocaine and hashish. the most recent addition is prescription drugs. The primary aim of the paper is to review the supply and demand for illicit substance in Thailand during 2000-2004. This period covers the 3 year period pre the War on Drugs operation, the operation year and the year following. In Thailand the War on Drugs includes efforts to control illicit supply by encouraging drug traffickers to report voluntarily and be entitled to an amnesty after a short rehabilitation. It also involves case-finding by health personnel and outreach. This paper explores the relationship between the War on Drugs and the supply and consumption of drugs in Thailand. Data is presented by region on drug confiscation, purity and price, seizures and indictments, and surveys of use patterns, the dimensions of the drug offender population, and the drug-dependent treatment populations. The conclusion is hat the War on Drugs in Thailand appears to have decreased supply and consumption of booth yaba and heroin. There has been a change in the main drugs used by both prison and treatment populations, with a move from heroin and yaba to the volatile inhalants.

Ramirez MC. Construction and contestation of criminal identities: The case of the "cocaleros" in the Colombian Western Amazon. Journal of Drug Issues 35(1): 57-82, 2005. (32 refs.)

Peasants who settled in the Colombian Amazon region as a result of different waves of migration, and who today grow coca, have been stigmatized as criminals with no regional identity. The central state does not accord them a place within national society except as guerrilla auxiliaries or drug traffickers. As such, they can be the object of state violence. The collective identities in the Amazon region are shaped by the sense of exclusion from and abandonment by the central state, and politicized identities emerge as a protest against exclusion and misrecognition.

Reuter P. Heroin, supply side interventions and crime. (editorial). Addiction 100(7): 925-926, 2005. (4 refs.)

Roman CG; Ahn-Redding H; Simon RS. Illicit Drug Policies, Trafficking, and Use the World Over. Lanham MD: Lexington Books, 2005. (Chapter refs.)

This book considers illicit drug use, drug trafficking, and the government responses and policies worldwide. It begins with a definition of drug use, and notes the most commonly used illicit drugs. In the subsequent discussion there is special attention to marijuana, cocaine and heroin. The book is organized by global region -- North America (the US, Canada and Mexico); Central and South America (Colombia and Costa Rica; Western Europe (Great Britain, France, Italy, Spain, and the Netherlands); Eastern Europe (Russia, Poland, Bulgaria, and Slovak republic); Middle East (Iran and Israel); Asia (China, Japan, India, and Thailand); Africa (South Africa and Nigeria) and the Pacific (Australia) -- with a total of twenty-five countries discussed. Among the questions examined are the nature of government policies and the mix of punitive/legal responses, prevention/education and treatment efforts. The history of current drug laws and policies are also outlined, as well as international control efforts.

Rubio M. Legal armed groups and local politics in Colombia. Journal of Drug Issues 35(1): 107-130, 2005. (26 refs.)

This paper studies the factors associated with the presence of guerrilla, paramilitary and drug trafficking groups in the municipalities of Colombia. Statistical analysis shows three kinds of results. Some of these tend to corroborate explanations that are commonly accepted in Colombia, while others defy deeply rooted beliefs. As a result, some rather curious associations emerge. The availability of energy resources appears to be a crucial factor of attraction for guerril